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Walter Russell Mead points out events in India are the big story this week, not Syria. The government there is pushing food subsidies and land-use bills that could hamper India’s growth.

… But because the benefits of globalization are so thinly spread, many in India resist further changes. In China, whatever that country’s political problems, massive numbers of ordinary people know that their jobs in manufacturing or in servicing companies that manufacture for export are linked to China’s integration into the global trading system. While China is in many respects a dangerously unequal economy, its global opening has at least created opportunities for people in all walks of life. That is much less true in India, so dangerous laws like this one have more support.

India must move towards an industrial revolution; tens of millions, hundreds of millions of Indians must move from the countryside to the city, from agriculture into manufacturing and services. That is never easy, even under ideal circumstances, and India will be attempting to accomplish this transformation as Indian labor faces tough competition from China, other developing countries— and automation. There is no time to lose, but India at the moment seems stuck.

This isn’t just an Indian story. Whether or not India moves forward toward a modernizing economy is partly a story about Indian incomes and social conditions; it is also a story about world geopolitics. If India hesitates on the threshold of industrialization while China moves swiftly ahead, the balance of power in Asia will become shakier year by year. If India can keep pace with China, it is likely that Asian geopolitics will settle down over time. With two economic superpowers rising together, and a strong Japan on the scene, the Asian balance of power looks reasonably stable. With one superpower rising and another potential superpower on the sidelines, the picture could change.

In the long run, what India does about its industrial and land use policy matters much more to the world than anything that happens in Syria. It matters more to the happiness and economic security of billions of human beings, and it matters more to the prospects for world peace.

Even in the middle of yet another crisis in the unhappy Middle East, Americans need to keep their eyes on the countries in which humanity’s fate in the 21st century will be hammered out. Land policy in India is a bigger deal than sectarian politics in Syria; we need to keep our eyes on the big picture.

For another story of government overreach, we turn to WSJ’s Weekend Interview.

‘So this is what starting over looks like. I have a seven-by-seven space with two little desks in it.”

Craig Zucker is remarkably good-humored, considering what he’s been through over the past year—and the tribulations that lie ahead. He’s referring to his office, rented month-to-month in a dilapidated building in a dusty corner of Brooklyn. There is construction all around, graffiti on the brick walls, and unfinished doors and windows.

It’s a long way from the Soho digs the 34-year-old used to occupy. Mr. Zucker is the former CEO of Maxfield & Oberton, the small company behind Buckyballs, an office toy that became an Internet sensation in 2009 and went on to sell millions of units before it was banned by the feds last year.  

A self-described “serial entrepreneur,” Mr. Zucker looks the part with tussled black hair, a scraggly beard and hipster jeans. Yet his casual-Friday outfit does little to subdue his air of ambition and hustle.

Nowadays Mr. Zucker spends most of his waking hours fighting off a vindictive U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission that has set out to punish him for having challenged its regulatory overreach. The outcome of the battle has ramifications far beyond a magnetic toy designed for bored office workers. It implicates bedrock American notions of consumer choice, personal responsibility and limited liability. …

Victor Davis Hanson did a lot of research and compares the poser v. the president.

… On the perils of going it alone without allies

“Where the stakes are the highest, in the war on terror, we cannot possibly succeed without extraordinary international cooperation. Effective international police actions require the highest degree of intelligence sharing, planning and collaborative enforcement.” (2004)

So far no European or Arab nation has offered military support for our planned effort against Syria.

On the need to obtain UN approval before attacking another country

“You know, if the U.S. goes in and attacks another country without a U.N. mandate and without clear evidence that can be presented, then there are questions in terms of whether international law supports it, do we have the coalition to make it work, and, you know, those are considerations that we have to take into account.” (2013)

After misleading the UN in obtaining no-fly-zones for Libya (and then bombing troops on the ground), Obama is not even approaching the UN for a resolution to bomb this time around.

On the idea that armed intervention is ever a good option

“I don’t want to just end the war, but I want to end the mindset that got us into war in the first place.” (2008)

The mindset in Iraq was to stop a genocidal dictator like Saddam Hussein who had gassed his own people — apparently the present mission is to stop the genocidal dictator Bashar Assad, who has gassed his own people. …

… Candidate Obama has always been an adroit demagogue. He knew how to score political points against George Bush, Hillary Clinton, and John McCain, without any intention of abiding by his own sweeping declarations. The consistency in Obama’s foreign policy is his own carefully calibrated self-interest. Bombing or not bombing, shutting down or keeping open Guantanamo Bay, going or not going to the UN or the U.S. Congress — these choices are all predicated not on principle, but only on what a canny and unprincipled Obama feels best suits his own political interests and self-image at any given moment. In a self-created jam, he flipped and now goes to Congress in hopes of pinning responsibility on them, whether we go or not, whether successful or unsuccessful if we do. …

The New Republic has an ode to The Onion claiming it the best op-ed page in the country.

I largely dislike reading op-ed columnists. All too often, columnists hem and haw and posture and drop references to their famous friends and fancy trips. They make points that are obvious. They are overly pious. They hew to the party line. They love moderation. They love pointing out how they love moderation even more than they love moderation. They give credit where it is not due for politeness’s sake. They gin up fake controversies out of deadline desperation. They feign shock they don’t really feel. Even when I agree with them, I am bored by about paragraph three.

It’s not neccessarily the idea of op-eds I hate; it’s the execution. The best op-eds in the country are written by the staff of The Onion, though they’re often published as news articles. The satirical paper, which turned 25 on Thursday, still does plenty of hilarious articles on the mundane (“Nation’s Single Men Announce Plan To Change Bedsheets by 2019”), but its writing on current events has becoming increasingly biting. What they share in common with the best opinion writing is an ability to elegantly locate and dismantle a problem with an economy of words. In recent months, as Buzzfeed pointed out, the site has published a spate of crusading articles calling out the Obama administration’s inaction on Syria. (“Obama Deeply Concerned After Syrians Gassed to Death on White House Lawn”). …

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It’s time for a review of our Syria policy. Except, there doesn’t seem to be a policy as we lurch from one thought to the next. Our country is quickly finding more ways to earn the world’s contempt. Mark Steyn is first to comment on the hilarity.

I see the Obama “reset” is going so swimmingly that the president is now threatening to go to war against a dictator who gassed his own people. Don’t worry, this isn’t anything like the dictator who gassed his own people that the discredited warmonger Bush spent 2002 and early 2003 staggering ever more punchily around the country inveighing against. The 2003 dictator who gassed his own people was the leader of the Baath Party of Iraq. The 2013 dictator who gassed his own people is the leader of the Baath Party of Syria. Whole other ball of wax. The administration’s ingenious plan is to lose this war in far less time than we usually take. In the unimprovable formulation of an unnamed official speaking to the Los Angeles Times, the White House is carefully calibrating a military action “just muscular enough not to get mocked.” …

… In the world’s most legalistic culture, it was perhaps inevitable that battle plans would eventually be treated under courtroom discovery rules and have to be disclosed to the other side in your pre-war statement. But in this case it doesn’t seem to be impressing anyone. Like his patrons in Tehran and Moscow, Assad’s reaction to American threats is to double up with laughter and say, “Bring it, twerkypants.” Headline from Friday’s Guardian in London: “Syria: ‘Napalm’ Bomb Dropped on School Playground, BBC Claims” — which, if true, suggests that even a blood-soaked mass murderer is not without a sense of humor. Napalm, eh? There’s a word I haven’t heard since, oh, 40 years ago or thereabouts, somewhere in the general vicinity of southeast Asia. …

… Oh, well. If the British won’t be along for the ride, the French are apparently still in. What was the old gag from a decade ago during those interminable U.N. resolutions with Chirac saying “Non!” every time? Ah, yes: “Going to war without the French is like going hunting without an accordion.” Oddly enough, the worst setback for the Islamic imperialists in recent years has been President Hollande’s intervention in Mali, where, unlike the money-no-object Pentagon, the French troops had such undernourished supply lines that they had to hitch a ride to the war on C-17 transports from the Royal Air Force and Royal Canadian Air Force. And yet they won — insofar as anyone ever really wins on that benighted sod.

Meanwhile, the hyperpower is going to war because Obama wandered off prompter and accidentally made a threat. So he has to make good on it, or America will lose its credibility. But he only wants to make good on it in a perfunctory and ineffectual way. So America will lose its credibility anyway.

Maybe it’s time to learn the accordion 

John Steele Gordon is next.

With Barack Obama, it’s always all about him.

Asked at his early August press conference why there has been so little progress in getting the perpetrators of the Benghazi massacre after eleven months, Obama replied, that these things can take time and added by way of example that “I didn’t get Bin Laden in eleven months.” Obama, of course, was in the White House that day, playing cards.  It was Navy Seals who put their lives on the line as they stormed the house in Abbottabad and “got” Bin Laden.  (Can you imagine the mockery the media would have rained down on George W. Bush had he ever used such a construction? Bush, of course, a modest man, would never have said any such thing.)

Now Obama is planning a response to the gas attack by the Syrian government against its own people. Again, it’s all about him. Had Obama last year not indulged his bad habit of speaking when  he should be quiet and announced with little apparent thought that the use of chemical weapons would be a red line that must not be crossed, no one thinks we would now be about to attack Syria. …

George Will;

… Obama is as dismissive of “red lines” he draws as he is of laws others enact. Last week, a State Department spokeswoman said his red line regarding chemical weapons was first crossed “a couple of months ago” and “the president took action” — presumably, announcing (non-lethal) aid to Syrian rebels — although “we’re not going to outline the inventory of what we did.”

The administration now would do well to do something that the head of it has an irresistible urge not to do: Stop talking.

If a fourth military intervention is coming, it will not be to decisively alter events, which we cannot do, in a nation vital to U.S. interests, which Syria is not. Rather, its purpose will be to rescue Obama from his words

 

Charles Krauthammer;

Having leaked to the world, and thus to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, a detailed briefing of the coming U.S. air attack on Syria — (1) the source (offshore warships and perhaps a bomber or two), (2) the weapon (cruise missiles), (3) the duration (two or three days), (4) the purpose (punishment, not “regime change”) — perhaps we should be publishing the exact time the bombs will fall, lest we disrupt dinner in Damascus.

So much for the element of surprise. Into his third year of dithering, two years after declaring Assad had to go, one year after drawing — then erasing — his own red line on chemical weapons, Barack Obama has been stirred to action.

Or more accurately, shamed into action. Which is the worst possible reason. A president doesn’t commit soldiers to a war for which he has zero enthusiasm. Nor does one go to war for demonstration purposes.

Want to send a message? Call Western Union. …

Craig Pirrong writes with the congressional stall in the news.

… Obama has several reasons to stall for time.  Seeking Congressional approval permits him to do just that.

But in choosing this course, Obama has traded one risk for others.  In particular, he risks being humiliated in Congress, as Cameron was humiliated in parliament.  There are reports circulating, however, that Obama plans to proceed with a strike even if Congress does not approve.  This risks a Constitutional crisis.

There’s also the issue of how this will be perceived in Damascus, Tehran, Moscow, and elsewhere.  No doubt the charmers in the echelons of power in those places are chortling, if not guffawing.  They will conclude that Obama cannot even muster the fortitude to order a feckless strike-one that he again touted as feckless (but as a feature, not a bug).  They are unlikely to place much stock in Constitutional niceties anyways, but the fact that Obama made this announcement after days of stories reporting that he would “consult” with Congress but not seek its approval will no doubt be interpreted as a loss of nerve.

Which could unleash another perverse dynamic.  Part of Obama’s motivation for an attack is to redeem his credibility, in the aftermath of his “red line” ad lib (I will pass over the “Assad must go” statement in silence).  Obama may feel compelled to act more aggressively if this latest pause is widely perceived as an indication of his weakness and lack of will. …

So does John Podhoretz.

… Some people compare foreign policy to a game of chess. Barack Obama is playing 52 pick-up.

Today’s hilarity ends with a spoof from Andy Horowitz in The New Yorker.

Attempting to quell criticism of his proposal for a limited military mission in Syria, President Obama floated a more modest strategy today, saying that any U.S. action in Syria would have “no objective whatsoever.”

“Let me be clear,” he said in an interview on CNN. “Our goal will not be to effect régime change, or alter the balance of power in Syria, or bring the civil war there to an end. We will simply do something random there for one or two days and then leave.”

“I want to reassure our allies and the people of Syria that what we are about to undertake, if we undertake it at all, will have no purpose or goal,” he said. “This is consistent with U.S. foreign policy of the past.”

While Mr. Obama clearly hoped that his proposal of a brief and pointless intervention in Syria would reassure the international community, it immediately drew howls of protest from U.S. allies, who argued that two days was too open-ended a timeframe for such a mission.

That criticism led White House spokesman Jay Carney to brief reporters later in the day, arguing that the President was willing to scale down the U.S. mission to “twenty-four hours, thirty-six tops.”

“It may take twenty-four hours, but it could also take twelve,” Mr. Carney said.

“Maybe we get in there, take a look around, and get out right away. But however long it takes, one thing will not change: this mission will have no point. The President is resolute about that.”